J. E. Sigler is a convert to Catholicism who wrote her dissertation in organizational communication on Catholic preaching.  Her thesis is that Catholic preaching is shaped by the structural tensions at work within the Church. According to Weber, authority can be based on three ideal-type structures: tradition, bureaucratic rules, and charisma.  Sigler’s research investigates to what extent priestly identity and preaching are shaped by loyalty to tradition, submission to bureaucratic rules, and the voice of the Holy Spirit (charisma) according to priests’ own words in interviews.

Sigler begins with a review of priestly formation. In seminary, priests are trained in philosophy, theology, and pastoral work; they are trained mostly in the church’s traditions.  At ordination, they make a promise of obedience to their bishop, thus entering a relationship of organizational submission. Finally, through the bishop’s laying on of hands, they are anointed to stand “in persona Christi” in preaching and sacraments; this is the charismatic or spiritual dimension. If this description is correct, one can guess what the findings may be. Through seminary training, priests are trained to become the loyal defenders and enforcers of tradition; organization submission will reinforce this trend. There seem to be little preparation for the charismatic or spiritual dimension. “So pretty much everyone agrees: Catholic preaching is bad. But what, exactly, is wrong with it?” (p. 77). According to Sigler’s finding, it is the predominance of the traditional and bureaucratic forces over those of charisma.

Chapter 2 gives a general overview of the findings. The sample consists of 39 in-depth interviews with priests from 26 dioceses. Their responses are classified in three ideal-types: the “atomizing dualists,” the “holistic incarnationalists,” and the “symbiotical fallenists.” Priests in the first group “do not undertake any preaching preparation prior to Mass:” no reading of commentaries, and no praying over the readings; they consider their improvisations to be work of the Holy Spirit. Three priests came close to this extreme.  At the other end of the continuum, priests prepare intensively and extensively, consulting commentaries often in several languages and spending many hours in intercessory and contemplative prayer. While the dualists separate preaching from their other ministries, the holistic priests integrate preaching in their whole lives, preparing sermons in writing and seeking feedback. Only one priest came very close to this ideal-type. The priests in the middle accommodate themselves to the weakness of our fallen condition; in good weeks, they prepare a lot, in bad weeks very little; they live in a symbiotic relationship to their environment.

Chapter 3 looks at interview themes within the framework of tradition, bureaucracy, and charisma. Closest to tradition is the general view that preaching is not important. “Catholic priests know better than anyone that Catholic preaching is terrible,” but there is “an unspoken taboo” not to speak about it (117). After ordination, they forget their seminary homiletic training and remember it mainly as sermon writing. They believe that “Mass is about the Eucharist,” not preaching, and “the priesthood is more” than just preaching. Preaching is not important because there is no accountability.  Most priests seek no feedback. They may be told, “Good homily, father” whether the sermon is good or bad. Bishops do not foster preaching skills and ignore bad performances. The second theme, “the tyranny of the mundane,” is inspired by the bureaucratic demands of the ministry. Most priests find administrative work burdensome because they perceive it as interruption rather than ministry.  The result is activism that leaves little time for sermon preparation. The pressure for time tends to reduce preaching to a routine. Sermon preparation becomes a routine, and preaching itself becomes a routine activity.
The following chapter describes priestly identity on a continuum between tradition, bureaucracy, and charisma.  The manager-priest is engaged mainly in administrative work while the pastor concentrate on pastoral duties. Not many priests identify as preacher-priests placing preaching at the core of their identity. On the work continuum, the atomists compartmentalize their work into separate spheres; the symbioticists attempt to marry apparently contradictory goals. Only the holists, very few in the sample, manage to integrate the three munera of their priesthood.

Chapters 5 and 6 describe how priests see the role of the Holy Spirit in their preaching and the sense of agency they have in their work. The last chapter offers suggestions for better preaching in seminary formation and church administration.

It seems that the author did not feel she had totally solved the problem of bad preaching, as she began her book my mentioning on the first page how serious the problem was to herself. Prior to her conversion, a Catholic colleague mentioned to her that he would seldom give a priest’s sermon more than a “C.” One year later after converting, “Listening to Catholic preaching grated on me. It was unbearable. It was shameful.” It seems that there is more to bad preaching than institutional factors. There is mainly the lack of personal charisma or spirituality. This area requires more research next.